My Influences: Patrick Henry, Liberty and Death, and America's Conception of Itself

posted by Curt, on July 13, 2008 04:30 pm

It's been a long time since I've posted one of these "influences" posts. This one was prompted by a paper written by a law school friend on Patrick Henry, national power, and the War Powers Resolution. His paper wasn't focused on Henry's well-known speech (which follows below). Instead, it focused on his arguments about the danger of consolidation of power, and suggested that they remained a good guide for us today. Essentially, he argued that the Anti-Federalists and their arguments shouldn't be consigned to history simply because they lost the battle over the ratification of the Constitution. I agree. But, this post is more about Henry's speech than the Anti-Federalists, because it has influenced me ever since I was a kid and my mom read to us about Patrick Henry in a bedtime story. That's how I fell asleep for quite a few years--to biographies of famous historical figures, and I'll be ever grateful for it.

In any event here's Patrick Henry's speech. My commentary follows:

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them?

Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free--if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable -- and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace--but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

With due respect to both Roosevelts, Kennedy, Reagan, and even Lincoln, I doubt there is any other piece of American political rhetoric more inspiring. And it's been adopted as part of the American psyche.

But what does it really mean for America and Americans? Many look at our country today and would say that we have chosen life and peace over freedom and liberty. Granite countertops, big trucks, walk-in closets, fast food, and conspicuous consumption seem much more the vision and goals of the American future than does liberty. Perhaps, then, the words of Patrick Henry have become yet one more part of the vast list of contradictions between the way Americans view themselves and the way they actually are. Maybe there is little spirit left in our country, especially as compared to 1776, 1861, or 1941.

I actually don't think that is the case. If Americans of the past were always willing to make the difficult choice of liberty over security, why was there a need for Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine? The reality of our history seems to be that we always need a bit of prodding to take on the difficult tasks that must be completed to secure the liberty and unity of our nation. In other words, we don't like to make the choice between liberty and security until we're really forced to. That to me, seems to be the reality of the American experience. In 1776, 1861, and 1941, no less than today, Americans needed some prodding before they were willing to stand up and save the Union and preserve their liberties. And, in significant ways, it was rhetoric that called to memory America's vision of itself that moved Americans to action. It strikes me that one of the things that Patrick Henry's speech stands for is Americans' susceptibility to ideas--big ideas about the fact that they are still engaged in the cause for which their forefathers immigrated, fought, and worked. And when there is a combination of exigency and a person with the passion and skill to call those ideas to the forefront of America's mind and heart, we still respond in largely the same way that we did back in 1776. At such times, when we are forced to see the whole picture, to "know the worst," as Henry put it, we respond with our best. I have hope that it will continue. Simply because we're not convinced that it will doesn't mean that it won't. Not even Henry knew how those listening to him would respond to the challenge he issued. He couldn't know, and neither can we. But he had faith, as do I, that, when the challenged is issued in a way that Americans respond to, it will be met by the best that America can give.

So, Henry's speech is moving to me, both as a statement of what I believe and a statement about my country--about its virtues and faults. So much for my patriotic posting. I'd appreciate your thoughts.

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